Column
Conservatism, the antithesis of liberalism - Dirk Verhofstadt
Ideological disagreements, do they still exist? Ever since the fall of the Berlin wall, liberalism and free market ultimately seemed to have won the argument. Intellectuals such as Francis Fukuyama swiftly spoke of "the end of history" and consequently of "the end of the large discord of ideas". This however did not happen. Subsequent to the rise of the antiglobalist movement and the terror-attacks of 11 September 2001 on the U.S., the principles of free market and democracy have once again, been under pressure. The antiglobalist movement still does not offer a univocal alternative, which should however not hold back the proponents of the free market, of examining the world situation. It particularly drives liberals to re-evaluate the seemingly "obvious", to remove preconceptions and to expose the irrelevance of their opponents.
The core values of liberalism, individual freedom and responsibility are more or less acknowledged by everyone. The large majority of the people and of their political representatives do not want to change this. Nevertheless, they recognise, that restrictions to this principle of freedom, may sometimes be required, in order to achieve a more equitable world, but likewise that excessive restriction of freedom would have a terrible impact both on the individual and on society itself. Opponents label liberalism as right-wing, which is erroneous. The divide these days runs no longer between left and right. Are pleads for more security, for reducing tax burdens, running down nuclear power or abolishing import restrictions of third world products, leftist or rightist conceptions?
These are outdated terms, over-simplifications, masking real nuances in the political landscape. The real ideological argument of our day opposes renewal to conservatism. Between people and parties choosing change and modernisation and those thinking and acting conservatively. On this line of division, liberalism is truly a progressive movement resisting all forms of petty, narrow minded conservatism which are so dominant in other parties and ideologies. Primarily concerned are extreme nationalists wanting to impose on the entire population their ethnic belief of a pure and united people, where each inhabitant is considered committing himself to his own kindred and resisting all foreign influences.
Conservatism however also runs with Christian Democrats, considering their morality to be superior to other belief. They jump on the populist wagon, promoting the restoration of traditional values and standards, execrating individualism. Conservative inclinations also occur with traditional socialist politicians, showing a stiffened attitude to necessary public reforms and modernisations. For them, acquired rights and group interests prevail over public interest. Liberalism as the antithesis of conservatism has also been recognised by the French philosopher Alain Finkielkraut in his book "Ingratitude" (Contact, 2000): ... “the conservative, is the other, the one who is frightened, frightened of losing his acquired privileges and advantages, frightened of freedom, of the open sea, the unknown, globalisation, emigrants, flexibility, frightened of necessary changes”.
Liberals resist this ignorance, rigidness, paternalism and a pillared society. They rise for freedom, openness and creativity. Liberals have faith in the human ability to change for the better. Traditions can be important, but can never inhibit progress. In that sense liberals will endeavour to remove obstacles to spontaneous and free development. Therefore liberalism, like democracy, will never be conclusively acquired. Situations will arise constantly limiting freedom, or individuals will rise up, attempting to restrain our opinions. A large, open and innovative liberal movement is therefore necessary. A movement offering a positive response to the pillared and rigid society symptomatic to so many other groups and parties. Conservative parties try to inflict fear upon citizens and dwell on feelings of distrust caused by each bit of progress made. It is for the liberal movement to explain that those reforms and progress carry precisely more certitude, prosperity and social protection for the future.
Also, on a global scale, liberalism must sustain the necessary processes for change; thereby resisting both the defeatism of the antiglobalists and the excessive egotism of the market fundamentalists. The former making the individual subordinate to ideas proven in the past to lead to constraints on freedom and to totalitarism. The latter abusing elements of liberalism to dignify their actions. In fact they both only serve their own excessive self-indulgence at the expense of others. In this context one should consider the current policy of the United States, alienating itself, for economic purposes from the Kyoto Treaty, hindering imports of foreign steel through new levies and granting immense agriculture subsidies to their own farmers.
Another example is the state of affairs in the former Soviet-Union, where small groups with criminal links, frequently monopolise and master economic power. Many of the antiglobalist issues and market fundamentalist derailments could be solved through democratic and economic liberalism: the abolition of all import restrictions for third world products, the abolition of competition distortion and agriculture subsidies, the remission of the debts to the poorest countries, the democratisation of the international institutions, the establishment of a World Social Organisation ensuring minimum standards on security, health, environment and labour conditions, the fight against monopolies and cartelisation, and the running down or prohibition of trade in weapons and other products endangering people and environment. Human liberalism advocates a free market working within an ethical framework. Here too one must fight against all kinds of conservative powers boosting specific group interests or extreme self-interest before public interest and human rights.
Dirk Verhofstadt
Dirk Verhofstadt is the author of Het menselijk liberalisme, een antwoord op het antiglobalisme, Houtekiet, 2002.